We are all the trail (trocha) by Elides Rojas in El Universal

May 10, 2006

With his characteritics acid wit, Elides Rojas sings his praise for the trocha and what it means

We are all the trail (trocha) by Elides Rojas in El
Universal

Almost eight years of revolution. Between pushes and shoves,
the process advances and, to the general joy of all, it leaves a long trail of
achievements that will be the fundamental endorsement to go way over the ten
million votes and insure the reign until 2031, as is the wish of the
undisputable leader of the continent.

And thanks God it
will be like that. The announced referendum to establish the monarchy will have
the same features that frame the process of December 4th.: unfair advantages,
excess money and a CNE ready, transparent and dignified in these times of
democratic modernity. Besides having a luxurious candidate for eternal chief
and, as it corresponds, ready to compete face to face, with fears and in
equality of conditions with the best there is. That’s the way it is. A man who
wants to battle with the most powerful nation in the world, followed by a bunch
of fat and out of shape military officers and backed by popular forces which
are poorer and older and which have been called to be part of the reserves, is
, without any doubt, brave, a hero, an illustrious person. So much cold blood
and disposition for a war with clear disadvantages, makes us think that the
candidate for perpetual mandate will have not inconvenients in carrying out the
electoral task and in reaffirmation of that warrior nobility, he will fight
with fairness. It is the least you can expect from a figure of so much temple
and vocation for justice.

But, besides that invincible personal inner strength, almost
epical, of which he has too much of, there are accomplishments, public works,
legacy. Worldly stuff, it is true, but we are talking about a leader whose
perspective is way above cement buildings or roads. His vision is, as in effect
he has shown, cosmic, interplanetary.

Nevertheless, despite his high level of experience, something
filters down to our humble and earthly levels.

The list of accomplishments is as long as the battles fought against powerful
dragons and terrible conspirators.

We have beautiful vertical chicken coops, thousands and thousands
of homes for the poor of the process. So many new roofs that there is even
enough for Cuba, Jamaica
or anyone that asks. Jobs even for the Iranians. A strong and respected
currency. The most modern road network of the whole galaxy. Reliable water and
electricity. A shielded judicial system. Zero Corruption. Full social harmony.
The most capable invaders of buildings and land of the whole galaxy. The most accurate
and heartless criminal’s of the whole solar system. The most effective schemes
in history for the cleaning and maintenance of cities that have been developed.
The international center for welfare with the largest world reach was created,
with Cuba
as its principal objective and as a target of the most sublime generosity. We have
entered the elite of international squabblers. We are leaders, by far, in the emotional
wear and of screwing with people’s patience, both internally and externally.

But the pinnacle on the matter of public works is taken by the Trocha of the Americas, with all
of the sabotage of the CIA, Carmona Estanga and the coups of the opposition. The
trocha, you should know, is also made with the fiber of heroes, even if it can
not take even a small sprinkle of water. It is the reflection of the master designs
of the revolution for the country: inefficiency, shoddiness, improvisation, all
those stones and a lot of fibbing propaganda.

We are all the trail!


New pro-Government CNE members send wrong signals in their first interviews to the press

May 9, 2006


In the
last few days, there have been a number of interviews in the press with one of
the new members of the Electoral Board. In them, some of them, while attempting
to sound impartial, send a terrible signal, in my personal opinion, as to the
future of their decisions.

There were
four interviews in the press, one with Janeth Hernandez (Tal Cual, page 6, May
8th. 2006
), Sandra Oblitas (in charge of the all important electoral
registry, El Nacional, Monday May 8th. page A4)), German Yepez (El
Nacional, May 7th. 2006, page A4
), Janeth Hernandez (El Nacional,
May 6th. 2006, page A4
) and Vicente Diaz (El Nacional, May 5th.
2006, page A4
). All of these are by subscription only and only one member is missing, Tibisay Lucena, the current Electoral Board President, who was part of the previous one and thus, well known in that she supported Jorge Rodriguez at every step and breath.

First of
all, the three members of the Board who are considered pro-Chavez, claim independence,
impartiality and all of that. However, all of them say that they consider the
auditing of any more than 5% of the votes ridiculous from a technical point of
view. They say this, even after accepting that the previous Board may have had
less credibility because of some of the decisions. They claim that this is a
technical problem and should be handled as such, but they fail to acknowledge
that none of the audits since the recall vote were actually completed as
promised and the audit performed in the December election was not a live or hot
audit, but instead was supposed to be completed in five weeks, which did not
happen.


Particularly
tough on this issue was Board member Janeth Rodriguez, who in the Tal Cual
interview said that “the rules of the game are not negotiated” or “The old CNE
made too many concessions that I would not have accepted”. Curiously, while
defending technical issues, she admits that only 43% of Venezuelans trust the
electoral system, something which apparently she fails to take into account I
her “technical” decisions and considerations. She is actually quite strong
telling El Nacional that she disagrees with manually counting 100% of the
ballots. “Never that!” she said in that interview.

The next
issue in which they are all quite strong is the matter of using the fingerprint
capture machines. Two of the new Board members (Hernandez and Oblitas) think
they should be used in order to guarantee the one man, one vote precept; the
third one German Yepez says he is “open” but thinks the are an important
element to guarantee the one man, one vote concept. However, none of them
mention that it ahs always been shown that the number of people voting twice
was simply insignificant, while it is well known that the fingerprint machines
have been used both as an element of fear to suggest to voters that it may be
known how they vote, as well as the fact that by having access to the real time
data, the CNE can tell the Government how things are going in terms of
attendance and help them make decisions like keep polls open beyond the time
they are supposed to be opened as was done in three of the last four elections.
(In the fourth one, there were no machines so it could not be monitored)

Even more
laughable are Oblitas’ defense of the Capel audit of the voter registry. Capel
only audited up the year 2000, while the huge jump in new people registered and
irregularities in the registry took place in 2003 and 2004. Second, the
registry was never handed over to all political parties as stated by law, but
nevertheless turned over to the Government and its political hacks repeatedly
in 2004 and 2005 for political harassment and the violations of rights of
Venezuelans. Curiously, this is simply ignored by all of the new board members,
except, of course, the lonely so called voice of the opposition in that Board.


Even more
naïve is Oblitas’ statement that she has no basis to think that the electoral
registry may have irregularities. It is well known that both the identification
and registration processes in 2004 and 2005, did not follow the rules and
regulations in terms of checking identities, addresses and facts before the
issuing of ID cards, as required by law and that there are numerous
irregularities, such as 2,000 Gonzalez’s that were born on the same day, people
who are over 150 years old and the like.

Even more
laughable are the repeated statements that criteria should be technical and not
political. What is this? The return of Carlos Andres’ technocrats? The CNE is
in the end at the service of the voters, not the Government or technical
matters. It is supposed to guarantee the precision of the vote, but also to
develop the confidence of the voters in most of the electorate, something that
goes well beyond simple technical decisions. To say otherwise is to cynically
try to misrepresent or misinterpret the role of the Electoral Board in
Venezuelan political life. Even Yepez acknowledges this, saying that
“everything that generates more confidence is necessary”, but later he says
that auditing 3% of the ballots should be sufficient.

All in
all, too many inconsistencies in the statements by the new members of the CNE
to feel comfortable about it. Despite their many claims of impartiality and a “new”
CNE, they sound like the same old, same old Electoral Board. Fortunately or unfortunately
for us, the new CNE will have to define many of the matters within the next
month, so that the opposition will be able to judge whether the new Board
members truly want a transparent and simple system that can make everyone
comfortable with the results or whether the partisan acts, votes and secrecy of
the Jorge Rodriguez era are still there.

So far, it
does not sound very positive. I hope I am wrong, for the sake of democracy in Venezuela.


All I am saying is give Chavez a chance

May 8, 2006


So now everyone
is jumping on the Government because that marvel of Chavista engineering “The Trocha”,
the temporary road, which has become permanent, which replaces the viaduct that
will never fall (Chavez
dixit),
has been temporarily shut down. But people
simply don’t listen. First of all, it has not been shut down, it was simply
closed at the worst hour of rush traffic on a Monday evening, in order to do
some scheduled repairs, including the placing of much needed lighting and
reinforcing some walls that may come down and kill some people.

This had
all been planned for later, they had schedluded the “programmed landslide” for later, but the engineers in charge decided to listen to
the School of Engineers and fix it before it got
worse, so if you should blame anyone, you should blame them. After all, they have
been right all
along and the Government had never listened to them and look
at what happened.


You should
not blame Chavez either. After all, a year ago, he was thinking about building Iranian bicycles,
to replace the Chinese bicycle plant that was never built to replace the Cuban bicycle
plant that never got off the ground.

But see, you can’t blame it on Chavez either, after all, he never thought “the people” used the
Caracas-La Guaira highway until someone told him, he always believed that this
road was only used by oligarchs to go to the beach every weekend. That is why
he never paid attention to it, until the stupid viaduct began to fall down, because all
of the opposition members jumped at once on their feet, making the earth
tremble, which in turn made the viaduct collapse. But soon they will no longer
be able to do this, because they are leaving the country very fast. Or so Jose
Vicente tells him.

People are
just too critical. Just yesterday Chávez in Alo presidente said that his Government
will build 150,000 housing units this year, even if only 17,000 have been built
so far in 2006. You are skeptical because last year it was
100,000 for the full year and in May only 8,000 had been built and only 19,000
were built all year, but last year was a practice run, because 2006 is an
electoral year, so I am sure that the Government will build at least 20,000.


After all,
Chavez can’t do everything He did not pay attention to the viaduct because he was busy helping
Luis Tascon with the Maisanta list, for which he has never taken the credit he
deserved, while that minor leaguer Tascon got it all. He was also building his own
construction company
, which somehow never got off the ground because he has
too many incompetent collaborators and was promoting Iranian
solar panels
, which one of this decades will have a huge impact in our
daily life. So please, be patient, Chavez is working very hard.

In fact,
there is a blessing in disguise in all this. Last week Chavez suggested to Lula
that the Transamazonic-pharanoic gas pipeline may go down first from Caracas to
La Guaira, so that the pipe could become the viaduct itself and that way some
money could be saved. Lula looked at Chavez, admiring his genius, his
creativity, turned to Brazilian Foreign Minister Amorin and said:”We are out of
here”. Clearly, Chavez had left him speechless.

So please,
start appreciating what Chavez is doing. Don’t criticize “The Trocha”.
Eight years is just not enough. Ask Fidel. Why do
you think Chavez is asking to stay as President until 2031? Easy, he wants time to
do the Trocha right. He wants to be known as the man who built that engineering marvel “The Trocha”.
So, please give him a chance. He may have no clue as to what he is doing, but
he is well meaning and deserves a chance to do right by all of you.


Important correction to the Silvestre versus Bigott post

May 8, 2006

On Saturday I wrote about the $18 million dollar retainer. I missed the fact that I had not placed the correct link on the story. What makes the story strong was the fact that I dug out from the court in New York the decision by that Court in the case of Silvestre versus Bigott de Loaiza, without that correct link the post was simply hearsay. Bigott de Loaiza says the contract is real, but that the numbers are not true, but she also says that she knows nothing about the injunction. Hard to believe no?

So now you can all read what Silvestre claims and all of the support to what I said on the post. I apoligize to Mora who pointed out I had duplicated the link and I understood it was the link to the Court, not to my post. I have corrected the original story.


On Mathematical Models of the recall vote and fraud: Delfino, Salas and Medina part I: The correlations

May 7, 2006


I have had a debt with this blog for quite a while, in not presenting the results of Delfino and Salas, a very interesting paper (Spanish version here, English version here) that has taken a look at the recall vote form a different angle than previous studies. In some sense this has actually been good, because now an old friend and colleague of mine, Rodrigo Medina, has expanded the work of Delfino and Salas, showing that it is indeed quite difficult to explain away some of the surprising results from the recall vote. I will jump back and forth between the two papers in my discussion and presentation.

As was the case with other studies of the recall vote, I will try to explain some of these results in as simple a manner as possible. I will do it in sections, so as not to make it too long. Today I will talk about the correlations between the number of signatures for the petition to recall Hugo Chavez and the number of Si (Yes) votes (Vote to recall) at the same voting center, separating the centers into whether they were manual or automated in how the votes were processed and counted.

The first thing to look at is what is the correlation between the Si vote in the recall referendum and the signatures gathered in order to call for the referendum. Onw would think that given the difficulties and limitations in gathering the signatures, as well as the rejection of many signatures by the CNE, the signature values at each center represent a floor. The Carter Center actually cited in its reports the strong correlation obtained between these two variables in the centers which were automated, but said nothing about the manual ones. Indeed, when one calculates the correlation between these two variables for automated centers, one obtains a very strong correlation between the two as shown by Delfino and Salas in their Table I or Medina in his Figure 1, which shows that the correlation coefficient is a remarkably high 0.989, as shown in the following figure (left side) from medina’s paper:

Figure 1: Left: Yes votes versus signatures at the automated centers. Right: The same for the manual centers, ecluding points from abroad.

For those not too familiar with the concept of correlation, the “cloud” of points in Fig. 1 (left) would be a straight line if the coefficient were 1.00 and would be a circle of points if it were zero. That the correlation is so high is somewhat surprising. First of all, the number of signature centers was restricted; there were only 2600 centers for the signatures versus 8300 voting centers. Moreover, the number of signatures that could be collected in the process was only 30% of the voters, limiting the total possible, while more than 80% of Venezuelans participated in the recall vote. The forms were on top of that distributed uniformly throughout Venezuela, rather than according to the distribution of voters. Additionally, there were many factors why some of the signatures were missing or not taken into account, such as the CNE invalidating a lot of them, the signatures being public, forms were lost and there were pressures for people to withdraw their signatures. The vote in the recall process on the other hand was supposedly secret.

In contrast to this result, in the centers where the voting process was manual, show on the right of Figure 1, the correlation was much less stronger, being only 0. 9264. In the figure, the votes abroad were plotted as squares and not taken into account in the calculation because as can be seen they were much different than the other manual centers for reasons that do not have much to do with the study. They were simply excluded.

If you think about what these correlations mean, there is no reason a priori for much a big difference between automated and manual centers. What the correlation is simply telling us is that in centers with few signatures, few people voted against Chavez and in those with lots of people signing, lots of people voted against Chavez. In fact, what determines whether a center was automated or not is largely the total number of voters at taht center, so there is no reason why centers in similar areas in terms of socio-economic conditions would have different behavior, but they do, as we will see later

The surprising differnec between manual and automated centers can be shown better by making the scales similar in the two plots above as was done by Medina in his Fig. 2 to show the behavior when the number of voters and signatures was small in both cases:


Fig. 2. Plots of the number of yes votes as a function of the number of signatures when the number of signatures is less than 600 for both manual (left) and automated centers (right)

Note how different the two are. In the manual case, the dispersion is larger broadening out as it increases. In contrast, in the automated centers it actually narrows down as it reaches zero. This is truly unusual as you would expect fluctuations to be larger as the number of signatures becomes smaller (as the number of signatures goes to zero, there is a higher possibility that a few people will show up and vote against Chavez in some ceneters). In fact, the manual centers behave the way you would expect, the smaller the number the signatures the larger the variations one would expect in the total number of anti-Chavez votes in that same center. In technical terms: fluctuations should be larger as the number of people that signed was smaller.

There is another way of showing how anomalous this is, as done by Delfino and Salas. You order the centers according to the fraction of people that signed the petition to recall Chavez, from the smallest number of signatures to the largest number, in both manual centers and automated centers. Now, you calculate the correlation for only the 150 centers with the smallest number of signatures, that is, you calculate the correlation for the centers 1 through 150 and that is your first point for which you calcualte the correlation. Then, you do the same between numbers 2 through 151, then 3 through 152, then 4 through 154 etc. First of all, since it is a matter of numbers, you would expect the same qualitative behavior in both the manual and automated centers. Second, you would expect more fluctuations at the lower end of the graph since you are calculating the correlations only a range, thus the centers with the lowest number of signatures should show the largest fluctuations. However, this is not what happens as shown in the figures below: The manual centers show the expected behavior, but the automated centers show practically no change in the correlation as the size increases. This certainly makes absolutely no sense, as the number gets smaller in both cases the correlations should definitely fluctuate.

Fig. 3 Correlations calculated for 150 centers as the number of signatures in each center increases, that is, first the correlation is calculated for the 150 centers with the lowest number of signatures, then the smallest center is dropped and the next one with more signatures is included in the sample and so on. Note how in the manual centers (top left) the fluctuations in the calculated correlation go even lower than 0.5 moving around significantly and then increasing to a fairly constant value above the sample #1400. In contrast, the automated centers have the same value for the correlation.

The behavior of the automated centers is simply absurd in Figure 3.

Finally, Medina looked at some interesting correlations in municipalities that you would expect to be quite similar:

Figure 4: Three municipalities that should have the same proportionality between the number of signatures and the Si (Yes) vote against Chavez, from left to right: Naguanagua (left), Duaca (right).

Let us look first at the graph on the left of Figure 4 corresponding to Naguanagua. There are two very clear lines: In one, that with small crosses the number of Yes (Si) votes in the recall is almost perfectly proportional to the number of signatures to hold the recall vote against Chavez, all point practically falling in a straight line. In contrast in the manual centers of the same municipality, the line has a slope which is much larger. Thus, in these centers, the number of people voting to recall Chavez is larger than the signatures while in the automated centers is roughly the same and follows the same proportionality. Curious, no?

In the middle figure, corresponding to the Duaca municipality, the automated centers follow once gain proportionality with the number of signatures. But those centers, in which automation failed, curiously fall all over the place.

What this all suggests and will be explained in future articles, is that basically, the number of votes in the automated centers, was somehow interfered with and the final outcome was simply a number generated in such a way that it would be proportional to the number of signatures at that center. Meanwhile the number of votes in the manual centers were the real ones. In the next post on the subject, the correlations will be looked at in a different way that brings our better the significant differences between the automated and manual centers.


A real mix

May 7, 2006

Above left: A hybrid between Angraecum Eburneum and Sobennikoffia humbertiana made by my friend Carlos Garcia Esquivel. Top right: A regular in this page, Slc. Jungle Gem, very fragrant.

Top left, a nice Equitant Oncidium, it has many shoots coming out. Top right: Cattleya Intermedia: This is a very nice flower, big and well shaped, but I am concerned about the “stain” on the bottom left petal, it may be an indication of a virus and I might have to destoruy the plant. So far, all I have done is separate it from the rest of the plants.


How the revolution throws money around: The $18 million dollar retainer

May 7, 2006

Esther Bigott the Loaiza is a Venezuelan lawyer close to Vice-President Rangel,
who has acted in a number of cases to defended Rangel and even President Hugo
Chavez. Last week, it was revealed that the Ministry of Finance was paying her
US$18 million per year to help defend the Government in the Bandagro suit.
The Bandagro bonds are some reportedly phantom bonds that have been around for
years. I
referred to the case recently
, because the Cabinet’s lawyer Marisol Plaza
was removed recently because she gave an opinion saying the bonds were real
which are the bases for a billion dollar suit against the Venezuelan Government
in Ohio and Switzerland.

Bigott de Loaiza has denied that she was being paid such an amount per year,
saying she is only getting “expenses”. However, it has surfaced that
she hired another Venezuelan named Claudia Silvestre who lives in the US, to
help her out in the case promising 14.4% of her payments (of the US$ 18 million
retainer) to the tune of US$ 2.59 million dollars. Unfortunately, Bigott de
Loaiza reneged on her promise and Silvestre sued her in New York Court as can
be seen here
. Silvestre lost the case because the contract between her and
Loaiza explicitly said that any disagreement would be decided in Venezuelan
Courts.


However, the contract gives nice tidbits of how money is thrown around by the
revolution. According to the Court’s papers Claudia Silvestre, while residing
in Miami, is only authorized to practice law in Venezuela and not the US. Moreover, Silvestre says in her
injunction that her service was simply:

” she provided assistance in setting up the Account so that the
Venezuelan Government could directly deposit payments for the legal services
provided by defendants in connection with the foreign actions and that she
arranged payment to United
States counsel from the Account.”

Nice job if you can get it, no?


Hugo Chavez: The man who would be King

May 6, 2006

Hugo Chavez, the autocrat himself, comes out today and threatens to call for a referendum so that he is allowed to stay until 2031 if the opposition does not participate in the December elections, showing that he has no belief in democracy. He claims he can call for it with a decree, that presumes he considers it just an amendment, not a reform. I think it is a reform because it would remove an important limitation.

Meanwhile, the new CNE is starting to show its true claws. Today CNE Board member Janeth Hernandez “discards” the possibility of a manual count in parallel with the automatic one. According to this lady, this is “too much work”. Come on! How can it be too much work, if they were unable to do 125 audits in the recall referendum, or less than 50% in the regional elections. They could not even do these audits in the five weeks promised in the December elections when only 17% of the people voted! Hard work my a…!

Thus, the loyal hardcore is ready to act and the man who wants to be King also is. A true autocrat wants to crown himself and his idiot supporters around the world are ready to cheer him!


Boston Globe publishes letter from Daniel

May 5, 2006

And at the Boston Globe they publish Daniel’s letter in response to the awful Editorial that paper wrote last week::

IT IS rare to see such an offensive editorial on Venezuelans as yours (”Getting past oil’s ideology,”
April 28). You seem to think that just because the United States is a
major consumer of oil, it is entitled to some rebate, just as from some
electronic retailer.

That would be fine if Venezuela were a democratic country playing by
the rules and with a standard of living at least not too far behind
that of the United States.

Neither is true. While some folks get
subsidized heating in Massachusetts, there are too many Venezuelans who
do not get three meals a day, and this after nearly eight years of
President Hugo Chavez’s rule through a populist and leftist
pseudo-revolution.

What is really going on in Massachusetts, at
least from the viewpoint of the average Venezuelan who knows where to
pinpoint Boston on a map, is a congressman shamelessly playing politics
for his reelection on the backs of Venezuela’s poor. The actions of
William Delahunt are close to despicable, at least as seen from here.
They give liberals a bad name, and it is beyond belief that The Boston
Globe supports such actions in its editorial.

DANIEL DUQUENAL

Daniel has his own comments in his blog
, where he takes advanatge of the occasion to blast the NYT.

A blogger from Venezuela getting a letter to the Editor in the Boston Globe: Priceless!


A day in the life of the revolution and its limitations on dissent and freedom of expression

May 4, 2006

All in a single day of the ugly revolution:

-A group of 50 women at Caracas’ largest maternity clinic, where more than 120
women give birth everyday, holds a demonstration to protest to the Director of that hospital because they have yet
to be paid the salary increase decreed by President Chavez three months ago.
The Director of the clinic calls a commando from the irregular pro-Chavez “Tupamaro” group and
more than 50 Tupamaro hoodlums, fully armed and on motorcycles, shows up to
stop the protest and defend the Director. The protestors took their
demonstration to the street where the Tupamaros continued to intimidate them.

-A group of homeless people invades a parcel of land and refuses to move. The
National Guard shows up
and what do they do? Easy, essentially detain them by using the same fences the
invaders built to not allow anyone in or out of the property. People are not
even allowed to go out to buy food and husbands are not allowed to come in to
their improvise homes. You wonder where the People’s Ombudsman is in all this.

-Protestors begin a
demonstration
in front of the Ministry of Housing and Habitat, an event
that is beginning to take place almost daily. The National Guard shows up to
guarantee public order. Annoyed employees of the Ministry go out and start
assaulting both the protesters and the National Guardsmen! They even tried to
take the weapons away from the Guardsmen so that they could preserve
order (Read: repress the protestors)

-A group of Tupamaros, who have become the law in some parts of the West of
Caracas under the eyes of the Government and the police, take
over
the Cultural House of the La Pastora parish in the west of Caracas.
They place the Tupamaro flag outside the building and simply appropriate the
cultural house where many activities organized by the neighbors take
place. They have gone to the Prosecutor’s office as well as the Head of the
parish to no avail. The group that runs the Cultural house was elected by the
parish to do so.

Such is the state of lawlessness and repression that common Venezuelans live in. Dissent and protests are repressed by the law and the lawless. The law is there only to defend the revolution, not those that oppose it and are not unconditional to it. “Revolutionary” groups replace the police and the army in maintaining law and order. Of course, Government leaders come out on TV and say that there is absolute freedom of expression under Chavez. And we are supposed to believe it!