Archive for December, 2007

Second bulletin finally in after five days, with 94% of the vote in, No still way ahead

December 7, 2007
It seems that it is now truly official,
after five days, the 300 million dollar system, the drums (for communications), the donkeys (for transportation)
and the abacuses (or abaci, for computing with digits) managed to count an additional 6% of the
vote and with 94% of the vote counted the result is that on the first
block of questions the results is:

NO 4.521.494 (50.65%)
SI 4.404.626 (49.34%)

For a 1.31% difference and on block B:

NO 4.539.707 (51.01%)
SI 4.360.014 (48.99%)

For a difference of 2.02%

Nobody
was able to vote on the transient articles, so I guess they are as
approved as they would have been if block A and B had been approved, or any
combination of the two with one approved and the other not approved.

Abstention so far is 43.85%

As
with so many things in this country, it is not a matter of machines,
money or technology, it is simply management, expertise and dedication. That is
why we now fly in milk from other countries to compensate
for shortages, apparently continue to export suitcases full of cash, this
time to Bolivia and you can bet the opposition will go on vacation next
week, expecting their newly found political gains to still be here when they come back in
mid-January.

A serious critique of the defeat by a pro-Chavez theorist

December 7, 2007

Christmas is
creeping on us and the barrage of parties began in earnest this week,
tonight was my companies so I will not have time to post very long.
 
If there is one document everyone should read is this one
by German born Heinz Dieterich who lives in Mexico, one of the
“theorist” of the revolution, who is extremely lucid in his analysis
from the political aspects to the economic aspects. Perhaps it helps to
be removed from it all to view things so lucidly. For those that don’t
speak Spanish, some highlights:
 
On the reasons for the defeat:
 
¨The National Assembly
 
The
main cause of the defeat in Venezuela is the vertical system for the
conduction of the Bolivarian process. This is evident in its three
formal instances, in which the president has no counterweight
whatsoever: the Parliament, the Cabinet and the party. The Parliament
is essentially a resonance box of the presidential will where the
Deputies, controlled by the three “foremen” say yes to everything that
is proposed even if it is unworkable. The responsibility of this lies
in considerable part on the oficialists deputies who don’t want to lose
their perks.¨
 
“The warning signs: The ides of March

The
product that they pretended to sell to the people, the constitutional
reform was deficient. In fact, so deficient that it only managed to
convince one fourth of the electorate. It had absurd tactical clauses
such as increasing the presidential term from six to seven years,
unviable economic elements like the six hour workday and structural
proposals, like refounding the State on communal councils whose
implementation presupposed the existence of a revolutionary
dictatorship in Venezuela which the conditions are not given for.
 
Finally,
Ditereich writes the most lucid description of the country’s economic
conditions that I Have seen coming from of the pro-Chavez side:
 
¨Officialdom
has turned into taboo macroeconomic debate. Nevertheless, any economist
(note the any!) can infer from the functional equilibria necessary for
a market economy, that a problem s going to blow up. Inflation, already
around 18%, will receive a new surge of additional injection for the
purchasing power (liquidity) by the end of the year and will require
afterwards a considerable cool down period, which the opposition will
take advantage of. Administrative prices (defined by the State) and
price regulations for basic foodstuffs, foreign currency and the
internal consumption of energy, increasingly distort more everyday the
relationships between supply and demand and make the economy
uncontrollable, causing black markets, corruption, bureaucracy and
scarcity.

Unfortunately, Dieterich´s conclusions call for doing things that go against Chavez´personality, a bad omen for the future of the autocrat

Did the military pressure Chavez to accept the No win and did they make a deal with him to soften the blow?

December 5, 2007

1)    Chavez talks on Sunday about his dilemma

2)    Chavez says he knew the No had won early on Sunday

3)    Chavez
says today that on Sunday night he ordered military movements on the
Zulia and Sucre Governorships, because they had plans to destabilize

4)    Diario
Vea had a headline ready saying the Si had won. That’s fine, you may
want to be ready early, but as seen in the video below, the front page
of Vea also had percentages for the Si victory.

5)   Eighty hours after the polls closed on Sunday, the CNE has not been capable of producing a second bulletin with the results from the referendum

6) The shit hit the F.A.N. (totally stolen from Escualidus Arrechus in Caracas Chronicles) today when Chavez showed up at the press conference of the military high command

7)    The Mayor of Libertador District, Freddy Bernal, the same one that on April 11th.
2002 was taped calling for the Circulos Bolivarianos to come down and
fight the peaceful march that was ambushed and two dozen people died
and hundreds were injured, was taped Sunday night saying :

 
“Intelligence
says Rosales and Baduel are going to Plaza Bolivar due to the results
of the election, we can’t allow this ti happen as this has been a
bastion of the revolution….but the worst part is Bernal says “These are
instruction fro the fundamental leader….and await instructions, the
leader himslef via this network will tell us the actions to take…

www.Tu.tv

 
And today we are supposed to believe that the military did not pressure Chavez on Sunday?

Yeah, sure

Chavez calls the opposition’s victory excrement, announces plan to not follow popular will

December 5, 2007

Eerie show today, when the military
high command was holding a press conference to deny there had been
pressures on the President to accept Sunday’s results, when the autocrat
himself showed up. The video is right here (sound not great!):

Chávez y la victoria de mierda de la oposición
Uploaded by frankib

Among the lowlights:

–On Sunday, he ordered
military mobilizations towards the Governorships of Sucre and Zulia in case
the respective Governors decided to destabilize.(Note that he claimed last Sunday to have known he had lost since early Sunday evening)

–He
was also ready to take over the media and shut down TV
stations.

–He said four times the opposition victory was “shit” and his defeat
“dignified”. (I guess he means shit for him, or I am interpreting it
wrong?). By the way, saying that word is against his own muzzle law, which bans the use of such language on TV and radio.But autocrats are above the law.

–He also said that had the votes all been counted (???) the
Si may have won, but he did not want a victory like that. (Preparing us for
turning around the numbers on the A block?)

–He accused General Baduel of boycotting his militias

–At the end, he starts saying goodbye and the stops and turns around and says that he will pass an Organic Law to create the militias and the rambles about Sunday and how he had everyone monitored even from the air and how he had everyone infiltrated.

–Chavez had said earlier that the King of Spain had sent congratulations to the people of Venezuela and that was a first step in improving relations. He also said the Spanish Prince would be carrying a persoanl message for him from the King who told him to shut up and Chavez has asked for an apology. The Spanish Royal House has denied both the congratulations and the message from the King.

All in all, a very worrisome spectacle by the Venezuelan President, full of hate, absolute disdain for Sunday’s results and even the suggestion that he may do something about it. It was a message that will not gain him supporters or sympathy, it was a message that may only create fear in the Venezuelan population and ratify to those that did not go and vote and those that voted, why it was they wanted his proposal rejected.

The people have spoken and said No, how will Chavez press his revolution forward?

December 5, 2007

The “people”
have spoken and they have said NO. By voting No, whether the margin was meager or not, the
“people” the same ones that the President and the Assembly have always
said “are” the revolution and want the revolution, have said No to the reform. And
recall that according to the Supreme Court, sovereignty resides on the
people. They are even above the Constitution.

But
clearly, this outcome was nowhere in the plans of Chavismo. They
stuffed their Constitutional reform proposal with items, which had and
had not their rightful place in the Constitution and never considered
the possible consequences of a defeat. And now they have one.

Chavismo
has never been a strong one for respecting or even thinking too much
about respecting the Rule of Law, but strictly speaking, nothing,
absolutely nothing of what was contained in the Constitutional reform
proposal can be approved by other means at this time. It would be simply illegal.
The “people” said No on all of it and only the same “people” should be
able to change their minds on all of it. No Guiarara Repano name change
should be possible, no shortened work day or even social security fund approved,
unless the “people” explicitly approve it in a referendum.

Unfortunately,
it will not be easy to have the people express a new opinion. The President and the
National Assembly cannot make another proposal on these subjects during
their respective terms and it is a long five years away for a new
Presidential term, and Chavez can’t be reelected and the National
Assembly should be in place for two more years, before a new one that could make
a new proposal will be in place.

Of course, the Government or
the opposition could have a group of 20% of voters make a different
proposal with those ideas palatable to the electorate and have it
passed if it was not too politically contentious.

Then,
there is the idea of a Constituent Assembly, which I find simply to be
too uphill for Chavismo today. Think about all that would be required for it:
A referendum to approve holding an Assembly, an election to choose the
members of the Assembly, months of discussions in a Constituent
Assembly that may actually be fairly even and finally the approval of
the new Constitution. It would take all of 2008 to accomplish this and
meanwhile the economy (see previous post) may really get complicated
for the Government and its popularity. The “people” are going to be very restless if
things don’t improve by then, thus it is very difficult for me to
envision a Chavista dominated Constituent process that will end well.

Of
course, Chavismo has never been too respectful of form and process. It
could approve part of what was rejected on Sunday via decrees supported
by the Enabling Bill as suggested by Deputy Iris Varela today.
The Chavez dominated Supreme Court will likely back it. But unless the
range of what is approved this way is limited to the subjects that are
acceptable to the opposition, it may carry a huge political cost.

The
simplest way may simply be for Chavez to push his “revolution” the same
way it has been doing it in the last few years, by pushing the bounds
of legality. The Central Bank is really not independent, private
property has not been respected by the Chavez Government and even
the structures of organizations have been changed by Chavez without regards
for the laws, so what else would be different?

Ironically,
it was Chavismo’s refusal to truly split the questions in blocks that
leads to this quandary today. If the social benefit questions in the
Constitutional proposal had been voted as a separate block, they would
have likely been approved by the people.

But
of course, at the end of the day, this was all about Chavez’ indefinite
reelection and that is the main difficulty for the autocrat. There are
no easy roads that will take him there at this time and he no longer
can think beyond 2012. Which I am sure is what he is pondering and
wondering about at this time.

Note Added: It turns out that last night as I was writing this post, Chavez said in La Hojilla that he may go the route of having a “popular reform proposal” in which 20% of the population gather signatures with their proposal, as suggested above as one of the possibilities. To suceed, this would have to be limited to certain issues, but you can be sure it will include Chavez’ indefinite reelection.

Inflation soars in November, thanks to the Governments incompetence

December 4, 2007

Accumulated 12-month inflation reported each month by the Venezuelan Central Bank this year for the CPI and three of the most important components of the CPI.

The Government was supposed to have reported the CPI numbers last Saturday, but the supposedly “independent” Central Bank postponed it until Monday so as not to have an impact on the vote on Sunday. As if everyday Venezuelans did not feel inflation every time they go to the supermarkets.

The graph above presents 12 month inflation as reported by the Venezuelan Central Bank (sorry about the months in Spanish, it’s good practice for you if you are not fluent anyway).

First, let’s look at the CPI. Minister Cabezas has been saying all year that the CPI will be around 12%. He was brought in to fight inflation. Only two months ago he was claiming success. These numbers represent an absolute defeat to his beliefs that monetary expansion does not cause inflation and that his policies are a failure. He should be out, he should be fired, the graph above, together with the shortages played a very important role in Sunday’s defeat. Unfortunately, it is only going to get worse going forward.

In the graph I have place two arrows, one in March and another in June, when cuts in the value added tax (VAT) were implemented, a cut of 3% in March and another of 2% in June as a way of lowering inflation. Of course, these events did not change structural inflation, they just changed the monthly numbers reported, leaving everything the same. The CPI as you can see from the graph, began the year around 17% annualized and managed to stay below the 20% level thanks to these artificial cuts in the VAT…until this month…

You see, VAT collection is as important as oil in Venezuela in collecting funds for the Government to spend. When some genius came up with the idea of dressing inflation up by cutting the VAT, this person did not seem to realize that it was also significantly reducing the income the Government would have for the year. Then at some point in October another genius (or the same one?) realized this and came up with the perverse Financial Transaction Tax (ITF) to make up the difference in tax collection. Perverse, because when you collect a VAT, each producer/merchant/entity in the chain can subtract from the VAT, what it has paid along the way. That is,. if the tax is 1.5% on the final product or good, the final person can deduct from the tax paid the tax it paid to obtain, for example, the components to make the goods sold.

In contrast, the Financial Transaction Tax (ITF) imposed by Chavez on companies is cumulative, each company along the chain has to pay 1.5% every time it issues a check or makes a debit on a transaction. But this is not deductible at all. Thus, if the tax is 1.5% like in Venezuela, it adds 1.5% at each stage. This is highly inflationary, but the Tax Superintendent kept claiming it was not and it would not affect individual, who are exempt from the tax. But it certainly was inflationary, as the CPI jumped 4.4% for the month of November, reaching an accumulated value of 20.8% for the last twelve months. Thus, it may even be possible for the CPI to double the Minister’s target of 12%, since the CPI is very likely to be high again. (I should also criticize the economists who participate in Reuters’ poll on inflation, the Editor of Veneconomy had the high estimate of 4%, but the average was below 3%, which simply indicates Toby Bottome was the only one to do his homework right)

But if accumulated inflation of 20.9% for the last 12 months sounds bad, look at the value for Food and Beverages, the single most important component for poor people. Despite controls, that value has now reached 29.2% in the last twelve months and is certainly to be above 30% for the full year of 2007. This, despite (or because!) price controls in the most basic food products imposed by the Government.

But the graph actually does not look so bad, because I have included in
it the group Alcoholic Beverages and Tobacco, the “vice” group, which is
up a whopping 57% for the year, as the Government increased taxes and
removed alcoholic beverages from the CADIVI preferential dollar list. Finally, I also included health costs in the graph, which are up over 27% for the year.

And this graph shows not only why Chavez reform lost on Sunday, but also why his popularity will continue to go down in the upcoming months. These are more than numbers, this is what people feel when they go to the market every day to buy their food and supplies. Not only do the poor “feel” it more because they use more of their income for these items above, but they have more problems dealing with shortages. When I start having problems finding toilet paper in the stores, like last week, I simply buy lots of it when I find it. The poor can simply not afford such a luxury.

While the inflation numbers will not have again the “kick” of the ITF in November, structural inflation will only get worse, not better, and unless Chavez gets rid of his economic team and finds people who understand these problems, this trend will be extremely hard to reverse.

His future, like last Sunday, depends strongly on this.

The day after: Analyzing the results and the political future of Venezuela

December 3, 2007

A Chavez blow up doll lies on the victory platform that was never used in downtown Caracas

I
have a case of electoral hangover. It was tense last night, but the
tiredness can’t be justified by the short hours of sleep, it is more
associated with the tension and expectations of last night. I feel
tired, but there is also certain exhilaration with the victory. Thus,
it is time to take stock and look at the meaning of what happened
yesterday and what may mean to the future of Venezuela:

The Results:
It is my understanding that the No lead is wider than what was reported
by the CNE, between 4 to 5% points. Curiously, there have been no more
reports from the Electoral Board since the first one last night, once
again proving what a joke the best electoral system in the world has
become. A full 24 hours after the polls closed and we do not know
officially even what abstention was like, other than unofficial
numbers. Thus, it would seem premature to say anything about the
numbers in detail. When they are available I will do that.

However,
at first glance it would seem from the polls that the NO should have
won by more than what was reported if abstention was truly around
44-45%. I am hearing that this was in fact the case and that as part of
the agreement with the military and Chávez, the first report was
supposed to show a small difference, which will widen as the remainder
10% of the vote is counted.

Behind the Scenes:
Multiple reliable sources are saying that having Chávez accept the
results was no easy task. In fact, a good source told me that at some
point the CNE President almost announced a Si victory by a slim margin,
which was stopped only because General Baduel threatened to come on
stage and call the fraud if she did this. In the end the military and
Baduel prevailed in defending institutionality. Baduel and the military
reportedly played a key role in forcing Chavez to accept his defeat or
otherwise the military will call it a coup.

Chavez
in some sense acknowledge this last night, when he refereed to his
“dilemma” and the fact that he no longer had one. Chavez tacitly
admitted that he had known the results for three hours and that the
results created a dilemma for him and that even if he tried to refer to
the Electoral Board as an independent institution, in the end it was
his decision. He went as far as mentioning that he even had long
consultations with his Ministers and the Cabinet.

In
a country with true independent institutions, whether or when to
announce a result should have nothing to do with the Executive branch.
The Electoral Board may have the courtesy of informing the winners and
losers right before the announcement, but Chávez clearly proved why
there are no independent powers in Venezuela and why institutionality
is so weak: he fails to recognize where he should stop meddling and
interfering with independent branches of power. It was not his dilemma,
he was interfering with institutions.

It
also shows why our democracy is weak. If the military has to act at
each tough junction in our democratic life in order to restore
institutionality, it means that our politicians do not yet understand
what a functional democracy should be and act like.

This
lack of institutionality extends to the CNE which acted in a very
partisan way during the campaign and which last night did little to
restore complete trust in its functions by unnecessarily delaying the
release of the results and barring the way of the totalization room to
the witnesses of the No vote. This was totally undemocratic and in
violation of the law. Moreover, the long times to report suggest either
they are not doing their job or the automation system is useless. In a
country with true institutionality, everyone should be asking for their
resignation. They performed poorly and by doing so, continued raising
suspicions about their biased role in the process.

Chavez’ Speech:
Not gracious at all. First of all, he should not have extended himself
so much. He should have said he recognized the victory of the No and
not go into more details, least of all when after one hour he said that
he would keep it short. Those abroad should remember that while Chavez
was speaking, all TV and radio stations were forced to carry his
speech. The supporters of the NO, the winners in this race, were
egoistically denied watching their own side celebrate.

Chávez
also tried to turn the loss into a victory, which is valid, but
certainly not very believable for a man used to winning elections
handily. The voters said they did not like his proposal, the voters
rejected his socialism, the voters rejected his indefinite reelection,
but Chavez still said that he would not remove one comma from his
proposal and there will be other times for that fight. Thus, Chavez was
showing how he likes to impose his will without discussion, rather than
use the tools of democracy: negotiation, discussion and concession in
order to reach a consensus. He cannot accept an opinion different than
his; he cannot admit different ways of accomplishing things. Despite
the evidence of the No victory, he plans to continue to push his
project intact, which may be his demise.

It
was good of Chávez to accept his defeat. I confess I never believed he
would. In fact, I still think he may surprise us in the days ahead.
Recall how the days after the April 2002 events Chavez was contrite
after coming back. He apologized to everyone, he spoke of a consensus,
he asked for forgiveness, only to come back with vengeance to stop any
investigation of what happened those days, to destroy PDVSA and its
workers and return back to his Cabinet the same political operators
that were with him during the days leading up to the tragedy of April
2002.

Thus,
as Baduel suggested last night, Chávez is likely to push the whole
agenda of Constitutional reform using other means. In fact, as was
discussed numerous times, most of the things in the Constitutional
reform proposal did not need to be there. Many were somewhat irrelevant
except to have Chavez have more control of the institutions, but
economically and socially he still has an Enabling Bill to pass many of
the proposals rejected by the voters via decrees, which require no
approval or even being known by the people.

Clearly,
Chavez did not see last night’s votes as a rejection of what he
proposes but a temporary setback for his plans. That is bad news, as he
will certainly will try to press it forward again in the future.

Why the No won:
There were numerous factors. First, the proposal was not only clearly
illegal but became more and more complex and questionable as time went
on. Voters had rejected the indefinite reelection from day one, but
other parts of their proposal were attractive to some sectors because
of their populist content. However, the administration always seemed to
be in a rush and as more components were added, the sense that Chavez
and the Assembly wanted to push it through without discussion became
dominant. To many, the proposal was long, complex, and unnecessary and
in the end raised more doubts than it created answers.

The
students played a key role in the process. The student movement got
involved at levels orders of magnitude above what they had done in the
last nine years on concerns over the future of their autonomous
universities and the cancellation of the concession for RCTV. The
students were well organized, had a wide reach and had a message of
conciliation, which was truly important. Even more importantly, they
have families and Chavez did nothing but insult their kids.

The
state of the economy also played a key role. There have been shortages
since June, which have only accentuated in the last few months. Despite
claims by the Government that milk supplies will be normalized shortly,
to this date it has simply not happened. Add to that the periodic
disappearance of various items; some of them permanently, other
sporadically and there is a widespread belief that something is not
right with the Government.

Inflation
has also played an important role. While Government ministers continued
to say the new financial transaction tax would have no effect on
inflation, the CPI reached a whopping 4.4% level for the month prior to
the election, with food inflation topping 7% for the month of November alone
!
Chavez should fire the genius that came up with the idea of this tax
immediately before the referendum. So should be those in the economic team that have managed
to screw things up so badly.

In the end Chávez has two problems in terms of managing the economy: Management and Ideology. Management
because his team is always picked on the basis of absolute loyalty to
the revolution and not ability or even knowledge. Ideology, because his
infinite belief in an incompetent and corrupt public sector, combined
with scaring away investment while trying to increase the supply of
goods are simply incompatible. Thus, the Government continues direct
assistance programs, which create demand, but supply can only be
satisfied via imports. The day oil drops, even by a small margin, the
whole system will simply collapse.

The
opposition political parties played a significant role only in that
once they felt the tide created by the students, they fell in step with
them, letting them take the lead and joining them. In the end, only
Escarrá did not publicly call to go out and vote, about all other
political groups calling for people to go vote NO, creating more
momentum than expected for the No.

Podemos,
Baduel and Chavez’ former wife also played a significant role,
particularly in giving credibility and validity to voting against
Chavez even if you were Chavista. Baduel seems to have player a larger
role within the military, Podemos in driving out the vote and Mrs.
Rodriguez playing the role of victim In the end going forward, it is
Baduel who clearly seems to have the larger role. He played it right
and won.

The implications of the victory:
First of all it was a great victory, this can never be minimized, no
matter how rough things may be going forward. There are many edges to
the victory. First, it was a victory for institutionality even if it
was rocky at some points. This is the main victory achieved yesterday,
as the loss will impose a limit in what Chavez can and not do going
forward, even if he tries.

Second,
there is an important victory in knowing that it is possible to defeat
Chavez. That is very important, as up to now Chavez has had an image of
invincibility whether by honest vote or not, that has now been
destroyed with the victory of the NO. Chávez tried to turn the
referendum on the reform into plebiscite on his rule, he lost it. This
is very significant. With 44% abstention, 28% of the population voted
for the SI, 28% of the population voted for Chavez, that is precisely
the number of hardcore Chavismo in polls. 72% of Venezuelans did not
support Chavez or his reform.

The
implications of this are very significant. For the opposition, it will
mean that abstention and participation will be much more important in
the future. People will no longer say they are not participating
because Chavez will cheat or it is hopeless. This will become a
significant difference in the future (Even if there was cheating in the
end!)

For
Chavismo the victory of the NO is also very significant. To begin with,
it is no longer taboo to go against Chavez. You may go do it and if the
Government does not create a new Tascon/Chavez list, it may encourage
others in the future to go and vote against the President.

But
more importantly, to those that hold important positions within
Chavismo, there is also an important message implied: Chavez is not
there forever and if one day Chavismo has to leave Government they may
be called to account for themselves and their actions and decisions in
power (As well as their wealth!)

But
even more significantly, Chavez has been weakened by the loss. It is my
belief that in the upcoming days Chavez will continue to press his
agenda forward as he stated it yesterday. Some of his supporters at
high level will follow him, other will not. This may create a deep
division within Chavismo, as those that have their own personal
ambitions and understand that Chavez lost with his proposal, will
decide to split from his side and start their own movements. In the
end, the balance of how many are left on his side will decide how
strong he is in the end.

Chavez
could only gain strength by doing exactly what I don’t expect him to
do: Reach out to all Venezuelans to establish a common agenda. That is
not his style, as he has proven over and over and proved once again
last night saying that his proposal had not been approved “For now”,
trying to relive events and a phrase relevant in a different context,
which happened long ago and which, while relevant to him personally,
are not considered by most Venezuelans to be part of their history,
least of all to the students protesting in the streets who were still
young kids when Chavez staged his bloody coup in 1992.

To these students, it is the reality of what is happening today that matters and as Baduel said in his Op-Ed Saturday:

“Venezuelan
society faces a broad array of problems that have not been addressed in
the eight years Mr. Chávez has been in office, even though the present
Constitution offers ample room for any decent, honest government to do
so. Inflation, threats to personal safety, a scarcity of basic
supplies, a housing shortage and dismal education and health care are
problems that will not be resolved by approving this so-called reform.”

That
is reality also for the students and their families and not a now
irrelevant fight between Chavez and Carlos Andres Perez or Accion
Democrática.

Baduel
is calling for a Constituent Assembly in the belief that the results of
the referendum require a new National Assembly in which all parts are
represented. Others believe this is unnecessary and that Chavez can be
recalled under the 1999 Constitution in 2009. Chavez will likely try to
press his socialist agenda, very similar to the proposed reform, but
via the enabling Bill as he can’t introduce another Constitutional
reform. The latter will in the end determine how the future of
Venezuelan politics develops. Given the deterioration of the economy,
Chavez may be playing a losers game, as dissatisfaction by the voters
will only grow in the upcoming months and his popular support as well
as that of those that surround him, may vanish, leaving him almost
alone, holding a losing hand.

Democracy wins, Chavez reform proposal defeated on both questions

December 3, 2007

No wins both questions with 90%, there were two blocks of proposals, both defeated

Chavez’ block: NO 50.70% SI 49.29% Difference 1.21%

Assembly’s block NO 51.05% SI 48.94% Difference 2.06%

Democracy wins, autocracy loses

Chavez lost 3 million votes since last year

I am exhausted, good night and thanks…

No wins, Chavez speaks in defeat and this is all I can think of

December 3, 2007

(When I first posted this, I thought everyone would recognize it, but it turns out this assumption may be as outdated as Chavez’ “For now” among the young, so to them, here is the source: Revolution, by The Beatles)

You say you want a revolution
Well you know
We all want to change the world
You tell me that it’s evolution
Well you know
We all want to change the world
But when you talk about destruction
Don’t you know you can count me out
Don’t you know it’s gonna be alright
Alright Alright

You say you got a real solution
Well you know
We’d all love to see the plan
You ask me for a contribution
Well you know

We’re doing what we can
But when you want money for people with minds that hate
All I can tell you is brother you have to wait
Don’t you know it’s gonna be alright
Alright Alright

You say you’ll change the constitution
Well you know
We all want to change your head
You tell me it’s the institution
Well you know
You better free your mind instead
But if you go carrying pictures of Chairman Mao
You ain’t going to make it with anyone anyhow
Don’t you know know it’s gonna be alright
Alright Alright

No vote defeats Chavez in Venezuelan Constitutional Referendum

December 3, 2007

At 1:12 PM, the Venezuelan Electoral Board, the CNE, just announced that the No won 50.7% to 49.29% , and Chavez’ proposed Constitutional reform has been defeated!!!

Have no words at this time…more when I get my composure back. This simply means too much…