Archive for May, 2005

Errors, oil and lies in the Bolivarian revolution

May 5, 2005


So now, it is a campaign against PDVSA, according to the same President who admitted just two days ago, that there were indeed problems at PDVSA. I actually heard him say it two days ago, he acknowledged not only the lower production, but he even said it had been worse, he talked about “problems”, being below OPEC quota and they were studying whether there was some form of sabotage.

But tonight it is a different matter, according to Chavez, it is a campaign against PDVSA from abroad, hey, as far as I know the only person that has spoken on the issue from abroad has been the President of PDVSA Ramirez. The other spokesmen have been: President Chavez, Minister of Defense Garcia Carneiro, General Melvin Lopez (I would hate to be General Melvin too!), Minister (or President you choose) Ramirez, two union leaders, one pro-Chavez -who said that PDVSA people were not doing their job-,one anti Chavez,-who said PDVSA people were not doing their job. And then there was an article in El Universal, but that is a separate story.


The anti-Chavez union leader gave out numbers on Western oil production, they looked bad, but I have no idea where he got them. Today’s El Nacional talks about a “survey” in Western Venezuela and gives equally horrific numbers with things such as drills down 53% from pre-strike levels, active wells down 37%, electricity consumption down 37%. But once again I am not sure how this survey was done.


To clarify for my readers, the big deal about oil production in Western Venezuela is that this area has high quality crudes, almost half the oil production pre-strike of the country (1.4 million barrels a day), but the wells are old, very old. That means you need to invest regularly on maintanance. And yes, the Western area, particularly Zulia state, is the most anti-Chavez area of the whole country.


But hey, anyone reading this blog who is pro-Chavez could say I am lying thru my teeth, El Nacional is lying, the union leaders are lying so let’s us look at two very simple graphs:


Below is the price of oil since Jan. 2003 for WTI as compiled by Bloomberg (Not a CIA source). What is important here is that the average price of oil was roughly US$ 27 in the first quarter of 2003, $30 in the next two quarters, $28 in the last quarter 2003, $33 in 1Q04, $38 in 2Q04, $44 in 3Q04, $48 in 4Q04 and $49 in 1Q05, give or take one dollar. This is not for the Venezuelan oil basket, but that price scales quite well with WTI.




Plot I. Price in US dollars for WTI per barrel in the last six years

In the second graph below we show a plot published in today’s El Universal



of OIL GDP in the same quarters as the oil prices discussed before but only since 1Q03. That quarter, oil GDP was down significantly because of the strike. Let’s jump straight to 1Q04 when oil GDP was up 64.7%. Why? Simple, the weird methodology used by the Central Bank compares one quarter in one year to the same quarter the previous year. Obviously, the quarter after the strike oil GDP was low and its growth was huge a year later. This is where things start to get tricky. 2Q04 had to be better than 2Q03, not only was oil production supposedly still recovering in 2Q03, but the price was only $30 per barrel, versus $44 per barrel in 2Q04, an almost 46% increase that should be reflected in oil GDP growing sharply, but oil GDP actually went down 0.6%. The same phenomenon is observed in the next two quarters, oil goes up to $44 per barrel in the third quarter ’04, up from $30, oil GDP shrinks 1.8%. Finally, in the 4Q04, oil jumped up to $48 from $28, but oil GDP drops by 5.9%!


It does not take a rocket scientist to figure out that something is very rotten somewhere. Clearly, production has gone steadily down in those periods. There is simply no way to argue otherwise. Yes, I could show the data for the Venezuelan oil basket, I could calculate better averages than my eyeball figures, but oil GDP in the last three quarters should have gone up significantly, never down as the actual government-provided data shows.

And then we come to Chavez’ attack on El Universal today. All El Universal did was to point out that there was a discrepancy of 49% between the dollars that should have been given to the Central Bank by PDVSA and those actually handed out. We are talking about US$ 4.2 billion, yes four point two billion, a one followed by nine zeroes. Chavez actually said that there were “errors”. How many countries do you know with errors of US$ 4.9 billion in one quarter! Maybe Mugabe can have that happen in his fiefdom, but this was a democracy with reasonably transparent numbers and rational leaders only six years ago, even if they were terrible leaders! Chavez says the paper says little about the money spent on housing (lowest hosuing completion in six years) or the missions, or FUS, but the point is, there is a huge amount of money missing and the President calls it an error and dismisses it. For God’s sake, we are living in the XXIst. Century, the era of knowledge, the era of computers and we are supposed to round off US$ 4.2 billion into zero? So how can anyone believe him? How can anyone believe PDVSA production is not down SIGNIFICANTLY. Where is the money? Where are the houses? There is something rotten, very rotten in PDVSA and in this Government and we should refuse to accept it! I challenge any readers to explain away the data.


And poverty? Very well thanks, still going up!


Note added the next day: In today’s newspapers Chavez is quoted as saying that the reason that PDVSA does not turn over al foreign currency to the Central Bank is that it is using part of its funds to pay for misiones and social programs. Well, there is someything funny there: How do they get Bolivars for that? If they don’t go thru the Central Bank they do it via the black market which is obviously illegal. So, PDVSA people have a lot to explain about where these dollars are. I think it is all BS. But here is criminal evidence for the Prosecutor. Will he do anything?

Babalublog wins highest Cuban blogging award

May 5, 2005

Hats off to Babalug blog which received one of the highest accolades in blogging when the Government of Fidel Castro banned Cubans from seeing his blog.
It is unclear at this time if it was because of the politics, his
criticism of Chavez or the Caja China ads, after all this high tech
gadget can not be used in Cuba, it takes whole pig to use it,
unavailable at this time to regular Cubans, except in the police corps..

So, Fidel is not a Dictator because everyone calls him Fidel, Fidel is
a Dictator because this is the type of nitpicking actions that he has
to take in order to perpetuate himself in power.

Congrats Val! (Thanks AM!)

Strange rumblings at PDVSA

May 5, 2005

There is something going on at PDVSA and it is hard to get a precise
handle on it. This is no longer the case of one hand not knowing
what the other one is doing, this is something much more complicated
than it seems. This appears to be some sort of struggle. Why or for
what is harder to tell, but we should know soon enough.

The signals are all there, last week The Minister of Defense talks
about the CIA sabotage of PDVSA, another General talks about a silent
boycott. Then, there are rumors that 12,000 workers are going to be
fired. But hey! You can’t fire people in Venezuela today, there is a
firing freeze! Then it truns out that the workers are mostly
pro-Government. Chavez speaks everyday on nationwide TV after coming
back from Cuba. The Minsiter of Energy says these people are not being
fired, their contract is simply not being renewed. Little difference
under Venezuelan legislation after three months and these workers have
been there since last summer. Were they really hired only to buy tehir
votes?

But what does it mean 12,000 people are not being renewed? They went
from needing them all to needing only a few? What is the justification?
Then, suddenly, much likes his order to bury Tascon’s list, Chavez
recognizes for the first time in two years that oil production is below
the OPEC quota of 3.1 million barrels a day. This is major, this is
new. Why now? Chavez acknowledges only a 100,000 barrel drop, but a
union leader comes out and says
it is 300,000 in the West alone, only 16 of 69 barges are functioning
there, barely 11 of the 23 drills are in the fields and only 86 boats
out of the 250 they have work at this time.

And just as you think this may be healthy, to acknowledge reality. To
say PDVSA, our very livelihood, is in trouble, let’s try to fix it, all
powerful Minister of Oil and President of PDVSA Ramirez says:
“Despite troubles, we are fullfilling the OPEC quota”. Hold it! Didn’t
I just hear the almighty, the all powerful Hugo the XVIth. say the
opposite? Hugo says he militarized PDVSA, Ramirez says this is just the
daily papers making trouble. Who is on first?

Is Ramirez being set up? Is the military mad at the destruction of the
PDVSA capabilities? Or at the corruption there? Are they looking for a
way to bring back at least some of those fired in 2003? What’s teh
struggle about?

I have no idea, but something is afoot.

The fight against corruption continues to be non-existent

May 4, 2005

When Hugo Chavez won the presidency, people were really expecting him
to deliver on his promises. While I never liked him, because I knew too
many of the extremely mediocre people around him, many acquaintances
really believed he would deliver. I wish he had. Among the main
promises were fighting crime, eliminating corruption and reducing
poverty. The first one, he has done very little about. Crime in Caracas
alone has tripled in the last six years, as measured by the number of
people murdered each week. Unfortunately, they are mostly murders in
the poor barrios, where the police barely dares to go in. We all know
about the state of poverty, up significantly in the last six years,
despite all of the claims by the Government to be doing everything to
benefit the poor.

But attacking corruption would have been a smple task, given the
mandate and goodwill with which Chavez arrived in power and his
military background. He could have stopped it cold on its tracks. But
he hasn’t. I really can’t understand why. Beginning with the 42 cases
of corruption that forced Chavez’ buddy, co-conspirator and first Head
of the intelligence police, Jesus Urdaneta to resign from his position,
his friendship and his Government, corruption in Venezuela is rampant
today, reaching levels that would make the corrupt of the IVth.
Republic look almost like innocent babies.

The latest twist in what appeared to be a serious accusation was that
of the Comptroller of the Libertador District Jose Balza, a Chavista,
accusing the Chavista Mayor Bernal of widespread corruption and misuse
of funds. He was actually very specific with the accisations and
presented documents to the press.. This happened last Sunday and given
Chavez’ scolding of Bernal this weekend, made it sound like they were
going after him for corruption. Imagine my surprise when today, the
General Comptroller of tha Nation, the man in charge of fighting
corruption, whose voice has barely been heard in the last four years,
and who many even question whether he exists or not, actually came out,
and fired Comptroller Balza. Politics? Infighting? I don’t know and I
don’t care, all I know is that another chance to slow down corruption
has been wasted.

One for the ages: The incoherent Government

May 4, 2005

One for the ages, today from Government officials:

Hugo Chavez: I have ordered the introduction of the Armed Forces in PDVSA Occidente because there is a dark and hairy hand there…

Minister of Oil and President of PDVSA Ramirez: I categorically deny the militarization of PDVSA Occidente as reported by the national press today…

Hey, it is very clear, either Ramirez is the dark and hairy hand, or
Chavez is the dark and hairy hand. But clearly, these two guys don’t
work together, unless the CIA did it!

May 4, 2005


Socialism or McCarthysm by Teodoro Petkoff in Tal Cual

The Fogade
list that reached TalCual deserves a detailed investigation on the part of the
Prosecutor. In this case, we are not in front of a circumstance in which public
workers denounce discrimination or firings on an individual fashion, but facing
a systematic and complete job of classification and calification of ALL the
workers of a public institution according to their political preferences, to be
later accompanied by the use of the Tascon list to complete the previous
information with the data from the recall signatures.

It would
seem as if when Caldera Infante arrived at Fogade he “requested” that espionage
job of the new internal security unity. It is obvious that the work was done
using a payroll list that still included the previous President of Fogade,
Romulo Henriquez, as well as his trusted personnel, which can be freely hire
and removed, as is the custom, and, despite their classification as hard
Chavistas, they accompanied Henriquez in his departure. But the massive firings
of dozens of others workers of the regular payroll probably took place once the
Tascon list was consulted.

If the authenticity
of the document were to be determined-a job that belongs to the Prosecutor- a
number of disturbing questions arise. This repressive mechanism, simultaneously
McCarthyst and fascist, was an isolated case, localized at Fogade or it happened
also in other public institutions? It will be the job of the Prosecutor to elucidate
this point.

In any
case, this sort of backwards “Schindler’s list” evidences a methodical
repressive spirit, we could say sort of “industrial” scale, that coldly could decide
the destiny of people, totally depersonalized. You did not need to consult the
trajectory, curriculum, years of work. The workers had no face, they became
numbers and letter. They depended on those numbers and those letters.

The
Prosecutor’s Office either runs or races with this issue. This is not a
forgotten issue, facing a true Leviathan: but facing physical evidence of possible
abuses of power and political discrimination and segregation. Verifying it is
easy to do.

Adolfo Tascon’s
list and its consequences have transformed themselves in a public scandal. Chavez,
conscious of the magnitude of the McCarthiyst perversion, in a sleek move
forward, speared his sword on Tascon and shook off any responsibility. But he
produced a confession on his part, which requires no proof. However, there are
plenty of proofs. The one from Fogade shines on its own.

The
Prosecutor’s office, which grudgingly opened the inquiry, has material to work
with. Beginning with establishing things as obvious as Tascon’s responsibility,
which implies requesting the removal of his parliamentary immunity.

Or things
as obvious as the responsibility of Caldera Infante in the case of Fogade,
which should suppose his immediate separation from his job. It now depends squarely
on the Prosecutor’s Office whether McCarthyism establishes itself in this
country with impunity, as an official and definitive policy, or that it may b
defeated forever and excluded from our already stormy political life.

May 4, 2005


Socialism or McCarthysm by Teodoro Petkoff in Tal Cual

The Fogade
list that reached TalCual deserves a detailed investigation on the part of the
Prosecutor. In this case, we are not in front of a circumstance in which public
workers denounce discrimination or firings on an individual fashion, but facing
a systematic and complete job of classification and calification of ALL the
workers of a public institution according to their political preferences, to be
later accompanied by the use of the Tascon list to complete the previous
information with the data from the recall signatures.

It would
seem as if when Caldera Infante arrived at Fogade he “requested” that espionage
job of the new internal security unity. It is obvious that the work was done
using a payroll list that still included the previous President of Fogade,
Romulo Henriquez, as well as his trusted personnel, which can be freely hire
and removed, as is the custom, and, despite their classification as hard
Chavistas, they accompanied Henriquez in his departure. But the massive firings
of dozens of others workers of the regular payroll probably took place once the
Tascon list was consulted.

If the authenticity
of the document were to be determined-a job that belongs to the Prosecutor- a
number of disturbing questions arise. This repressive mechanism, simultaneously
McCarthyst and fascist, was an isolated case, localized at Fogade or it happened
also in other public institutions? It will be the job of the Prosecutor to elucidate
this point.

In any
case, this sort of backwards “Schindler’s list” evidences a methodical
repressive spirit, we could say sort of “industrial” scale, that coldly could decide
the destiny of people, totally depersonalized. You did not need to consult the
trajectory, curriculum, years of work. The workers had no face, they became
numbers and letter. They depended on those numbers and those letters.

The
Prosecutor’s Office either runs or races with this issue. This is not a
forgotten issue, facing a true Leviathan: but facing physical evidence of possible
abuses of power and political discrimination and segregation. Verifying it is
easy to do.

Adolfo Tascon’s
list and its consequences have transformed themselves in a public scandal. Chavez,
conscious of the magnitude of the McCarthiyst perversion, in a sleek move
forward, speared his sword on Tascon and shook off any responsibility. But he
produced a confession on his part, which requires no proof. However, there are
plenty of proofs. The one from Fogade shines on its own.

The
Prosecutor’s office, which grudgingly opened the inquiry, has material to work
with. Beginning with establishing things as obvious as Tascon’s responsibility,
which implies requesting the removal of his parliamentary immunity.

Or things
as obvious as the responsibility of Caldera Infante in the case of Fogade,
which should suppose his immediate separation from his job. It now depends squarely
on the Prosecutor’s Office whether McCarthyism establishes itself in this
country with impunity, as an official and definitive policy, or that it may b
defeated forever and excluded from our already stormy political life.

May 4, 2005


Socialism or McCarthysm by Teodoro Petkoff in Tal Cual

The Fogade
list that reached TalCual deserves a detailed investigation on the part of the
Prosecutor. In this case, we are not in front of a circumstance in which public
workers denounce discrimination or firings on an individual fashion, but facing
a systematic and complete job of classification and calification of ALL the
workers of a public institution according to their political preferences, to be
later accompanied by the use of the Tascon list to complete the previous
information with the data from the recall signatures.

It would
seem as if when Caldera Infante arrived at Fogade he “requested” that espionage
job of the new internal security unity. It is obvious that the work was done
using a payroll list that still included the previous President of Fogade,
Romulo Henriquez, as well as his trusted personnel, which can be freely hire
and removed, as is the custom, and, despite their classification as hard
Chavistas, they accompanied Henriquez in his departure. But the massive firings
of dozens of others workers of the regular payroll probably took place once the
Tascon list was consulted.

If the authenticity
of the document were to be determined-a job that belongs to the Prosecutor- a
number of disturbing questions arise. This repressive mechanism, simultaneously
McCarthyst and fascist, was an isolated case, localized at Fogade or it happened
also in other public institutions? It will be the job of the Prosecutor to elucidate
this point.

In any
case, this sort of backwards “Schindler’s list” evidences a methodical
repressive spirit, we could say sort of “industrial” scale, that coldly could decide
the destiny of people, totally depersonalized. You did not need to consult the
trajectory, curriculum, years of work. The workers had no face, they became
numbers and letter. They depended on those numbers and those letters.

The
Prosecutor’s Office either runs or races with this issue. This is not a
forgotten issue, facing a true Leviathan: but facing physical evidence of possible
abuses of power and political discrimination and segregation. Verifying it is
easy to do.

Adolfo Tascon’s
list and its consequences have transformed themselves in a public scandal. Chavez,
conscious of the magnitude of the McCarthiyst perversion, in a sleek move
forward, speared his sword on Tascon and shook off any responsibility. But he
produced a confession on his part, which requires no proof. However, there are
plenty of proofs. The one from Fogade shines on its own.

The
Prosecutor’s office, which grudgingly opened the inquiry, has material to work
with. Beginning with establishing things as obvious as Tascon’s responsibility,
which implies requesting the removal of his parliamentary immunity.

Or things
as obvious as the responsibility of Caldera Infante in the case of Fogade,
which should suppose his immediate separation from his job. It now depends squarely
on the Prosecutor’s Office whether McCarthyism establishes itself in this
country with impunity, as an official and definitive policy, or that it may b
defeated forever and excluded from our already stormy political life.

Hugo the XVIth.

May 4, 2005

Phrase of the year:

“We are going to create a construction company because I want to have my own construction company

Hugo Chavez

Federal Reserve imposes agreement on Banco Industrial in the US

May 3, 2005

From Javier’s blog I learn that
while authorities where happily opening an office of Banco Industrial
de Venezuela in Cuba, the US Federal Reserve was forcing the bank
to sign an agreement that will obligate the bank to essentially impose
the type of controls, compliance and credit risk analysis as required
by the FDIC laws. Banco Industrial de Venezuela is the Government’s largest bank which has been capitalized
twice during the Chavez administration to stop it form going under.
Maybe they should place it under co-management!